Minister Fwamba,
I write to you not as a secretariat, but as a colleague — one of fifty-four ministers who signs the same painful cheque every year. Africa buys USD 709 bn of goods annually, and USD 620 bn of it leaves this continent. Some of that money is yours, some of it is mine, and almost none of it needs to go where it goes.
What is fixed — and what is yours to change
Two kinds of statement sit in this document, and they carry different weight. The continental spine is fixed: USD 709 bn of total imports; USD 620 bn sourced off-continent; approximately USD 89 bn traded within Africa; USD 136.75 bn of measured government procurement inside an estimated USD 207 bn that our governments influence. Those figures are measured, reconciled and not on the table. Everything else — the product bundle proposed for Democratic Republic of the Congo — is Draft 1: a first pass drawn from your country’s productive-capacity audit, printed precisely so that you can correct it.
Why Democratic Republic of the Congo is in this room
The Democratic Republic of the Congo's strongest and most defensible endowment is copper. It mined 3.3 million tonnes in 2024, making it Africa's largest and the world's second-largest producer on reserves of 80 million tonnes, and unlike cobalt it has begun to climb the beneficiation ladder at home: the Kamoa-Kakula complex commissioned a 500,000 tonne per year direct-to-blister smelter that produced its first 99.7%-pure anodes on 29 December 2025, with those anodes already moving to Europe via the Lobito Corridor. The honest constraint is power and distance. Only about 1,775 MW is installed against roughly 42,000 MW of potential at Inga, electricity access reached only some 21% of the population in 2021, and the mineral belt lies more than 2,000 km from a port served by a shallow-draft river terminal at Matadi while Banana and Lobito are still ramping. Cobalt tells the same story in sharper form: an unrivalled position of roughly 76% of world mined supply, yet approximately 99% by value leaves as oxides and hydroxides with no refinery operating in-country.
The instrument — two layers, both required
Pre-allocation. The African Union pre-allocates 25-year supply rights per product category to designated African producers. That is the fairness layer — the reason every member state, including those still rebuilding, holds a bundle at all.
Match-or-Release. When any of our governments procures, the designated continental supplier is shown the open-market quote and must match it on price, quality, warranty and service in a single window — or release the buyer instantly, no penalty, no delay. I have called it the Cell Phone Test: nobody in this room is asked to buy a worse phone. This is a right to match, never a right to exclude. Your procurement autonomy is untouched, and there is no pooled purchasing, no central buyer, no buyers’ club.
What I ask of you
One hour, and your pen. Mark what is wrong: the lines that do not belong to Democratic Republic of the Congo, the capability this draft understates, the buyer it misreads. The response instrument at the end of this document takes a minute to complete, and Draft 2 will show, line by line, which member state asked for each change. Your correction is not an objection to the method — it is the method.